What makes the Kurds Syrians and urges them to fight for their Syria is only the hope for freedom and equality, not anything else. The more Syria will be free, and the more they will be free in it and equal with others, they will side with it. The legitimacy of their rights stems from here in particular, not from any other source. These rights are represented in a basic and self-evident principle, which is their right to self-determination, to be Syrians of their free will, and not forced to choose.
Kurdish existence is an historical, geographic, and scientific fact, and the rights of the Kurds are not ideological heresy or a political invention. This fact is much older than the political reality of Syria and more legitimate in historical terms. You can deny the rights or bargain over them, but you cannot neglect the scientific truth, it is impossible to ignore it. This slogan is no longer nothing but a bona fide myth.
Just notice the amount of the hatred and symbolic violence masked in the discourse of the Islamic opposition, and observe the feelings of the public by translating the slogans prevailing in it the Alawites, the apostate Kurds, the infidel Christians, the Druze, the Ismailis, etc. This matter is no longer limited to emotional charges in the announced slogans; rather, it began to be embodied in the mutual revenge operations that took place and are increasingly and intensely taking place in most of the Syrian cities.
The Syrian regime wanted this and sought it with all its energy, while the Islamic opposition and its allies facilitated this matter and granted it legitimacy in order to justify this discourse and market it as the only and alternative discourse of salvation. The Syrians marched ahead and steadfastly along the paths of hatred towards eternal enmity. Those who pushed them to do so were well aware and possessed of malice and a demonic mind that made coexistence between them impossible afterward.
The Syrian revolution, which began as a great revolution, ended as a gigantic circus of killing and devastation. It ended as an open hell in which all the devils and demons of the earth played.
Now every thief, bandit, jester, and deceiver can impersonate a rebellious saint and insert himself into it. Everyone practiced and is practicing the act of division. Everyone is already a separatist: the Muslim Brotherhood, Arab Sunnis and the Turkmen separate Syrians with walls of skulls and blood. But only the Kurds are accused of separatism. The Treaty of Lausanne, ratified in , divided the Kurds among the new nations of the Middle East. The Baathist state, championing Arab nationalism, had deprived thousands of Kurds of citizenship rights, banned their language and clamped down on Kurdish political activity.
During the war, President Bashar al-Assad focused on crushing mainly Sunni Arab rebels with the help of Russia and Iran, turning a blind eye as Kurdish fighters carved out self-rule across the north and east. Kurdish forces have emerged among the biggest winners, controlling about a quarter of the country — territory rich in oil, water and farmland.
It is the biggest chunk of Syria not in state hands, now with its own forces and bureaucracy. Assad has said he will recover the northeast, but the two sides have kept some channels open. While the U. Syrian Kurdish leaders say they do not seek partition but rather regional autonomy as part of Syria.
Kurds form about 20 percent of the population. Since then, more than 40, people have been killed in the conflict. In October , SDF fighters captured the de facto IS capital of Raqqa and then advanced south-eastwards into the neighbouring province of Deir al-Zour - the jihadists' last major foothold in Syria.
The SDF hailed the "total elimination" of the IS "caliphate", but it warned that jihadist sleeper cells remained "a great threat". The SDF was also left to deal with the thousands of suspected IS militants captured during the last two years of the battle, as well as tens of thousands of displaced women and children associated with IS fighters. The US called for the repatriation of foreign nationals among them, but most of their home countries refused.
In October , US troops pulled back from the border with Turkey after the country's president said it was about to launch an operation to set up a 32km mile deep "safe zone" clear of YPG fighters and resettle up to 2 million Syrian refugees there.
The SDF said it had been "stabbed in the back" by the US and warned that the offensive might reverse the defeat of IS, the fight against which it said it could no longer prioritise. Turkish troops and allied Syrian rebels made steady gains in the first few days of the operation. In response, the SDF turned to the Syrian government for help and reached a deal for the Syrian army to deploy along the border. The Syrian government has vowed to take back control of all of Syria.
What has Kobane battle taught us? Raqqa: The city fit for no-one. Kurds received harsh treatment at the hands of the Turkish authorities for generations. In response to uprisings in the s and s, many Kurds were resettled, Kurdish names and costumes were banned, the use of the Kurdish language was restricted, and even the existence of a Kurdish ethnic identity was denied, with people designated "Mountain Turks". Six years later, the group began an armed struggle.
Since then, more than 40, people have been killed and hundreds of thousands displaced. In the s the PKK rolled back on its demand for independence, calling instead for greater cultural and political autonomy, but continued to fight.
In , a ceasefire was agreed after secret talks were held. The ceasefire collapsed in July , after a suicide bombing blamed on IS killed 33 young activists in the mainly Kurdish town of Suruc, near the Syrian border. The PKK accused the authorities of complicity and attacked Turkish soldiers and police.
Since then, several thousand people - including hundreds of civilians - have been killed in clashes in south-eastern Turkey. Turkey has maintained a military presence in northern Syria since August , when it sent troops and tanks over the border to support a Syrian rebel offensive against IS. Those forces captured the key border town of Jarablus, preventing the YPG-led SDF from seizing the territory itself and linking up with the Kurdish enclave of Afrin to the west.
Dozens of civilians were killed and tens of thousands displaced. Turkey's government says the YPG and the PYD are extensions of the PKK, share its goal of secession through armed struggle, and are terrorist organisations that must be eliminated. Turkey's fear of a reignited Kurdish flame. Profile: The PKK. Before the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad began in most lived in the cities of Damascus and Aleppo, and in three, non-contiguous areas around Kobane, Afrin, and the north-eastern city of Qamishli.
Syria's Kurds have long been suppressed and denied basic rights. Some , have been denied citizenship since the s, and Kurdish land has been confiscated and redistributed to Arabs in an attempt to "Arabize" Kurdish regions. When the uprising evolved into a civil war, the main Kurdish parties publicly avoided taking sides.
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